It Is Just The Beginning, It Is Not The End

The rise of  'Anarchy' movement is spreading, but what is the purpose of all this?
Why there is 'Chaos' everywhere even in the most democratic world? 


The NWO plan is to spread anarchy around the world, to the extend of the Third World War predictably between The Middle Easters Nations and Israel/America and NATO. It is immanent; we can't deny it any more and we can't hide from it. It is coming and sooner than we expect. 


For the Elites to impose order and build the New World Order they needed an apocalyptic cataclysmic war to wipe the Human race and rebuild the world with who is left. 

The First and Second World Wars were just stages and part of the plan. It was part of moving the power among different empires and create the evil and good sides who will always fight and frighten the mass with. Create the Soviet Union, the Rise of Hitler and Asian Dragons. 


Hitler has done his part and retired, and so forth the other Tyrants. Selling the dream to the Europeans of the unity, supremacy and prosperity was the pre final phase. Selling the Arab Spring and the coloured revolutions to the under developed countries from Latvia to Tunisia; from Morocco to Bahrain, it is just another way of abolishing the leader and create the ultimate chaos. The rising of the Muslim Brotherhood all over and create the fundamentalists on both sides is the final stage. 


Israel and a lot of European countries have seen the rise of the right wing extremist parties to the power and so forth the Middle East including Iran. It is the superb ingredients in this crucial period.


as Albert Pike mentioned in his Demonic Visions Book '' The Third World War must be fomented by taking advantage of the differences caused by the "agentur" of the "Illuminati" between the political Zionists and the leaders of Islamic World. The war must be conducted in such a way that Islam (the Moslem Arabic World) and political Zionism (the State of Israel) mutually destroy each other. Meanwhile the other nations, once more divided on this issue will be constrained to fight to the point of complete physical, moral, spiritual and economical exhaustion…We shall unleash the Nihilists and the atheists, and we shall provoke a formidable social cataclysm which in all its horror will show clearly to the nations the effect of absolute atheism, origin of savagery and of the most bloody turmoil.


The Zionists and other Secret Societies (Illuminati, The Knight Templars, Freemasons, Bilderberg Group etc.)  who are controlling the World, will work intensely and tirelessly in the next few months to pave the path and mould the circumstances  for this apocalyptic war. The NWO prophetess believe in order to reach to the One Government, One Leader, One Army and One World;  'Sacrifice' has to be made...... on massive scale. 


 In the past the Elites sacrificed millions of innocent lives. Created Pearl Harbour, although it could have been avoided, but it was necessary  for Franklin Roosevelt, who was a Freemason active member, to deceive the Americans with the entering the WWII.
Robert S. McNamara admitted in 2005 that the Gulf of Tonkin was all fake and false accusations to convenience the Americans again to accept the reality of sending their sons and daughters to one of the most atrocious, savage evil war since the Second World War. 

Israel will attack the USS-Enterprises Aircrafts-Carier in the by the strait if Hormuz in the Persian Gulf. The World Mainstream media will immediately point the fingers towards Iran, thus the US President will have no other choice but to start a war against Iran. Israel will lunch its ballistics rockets onto Tehran as Iran has already start shelling Tel Aviv. The Entire region will erupt as now half of the middle east are Muslim Brotherhood affiliates who lately announced their support and loyalty to Iran.

Let’s go back to King Farouk era. The Muslim Brotherhood was one of the first people to support Him and wanted his blessing, and blew his trumpet. They have never even mentioned any of his playboy times or gambling fun times. By refusing the Saudi Wahhabis interfering in their business prompt them to get the King of Egypt on their side, and make him the new Muslim Khalifa, thus they can thought also they can control the King and rule though him.....It Didn't work and King Farouk refused the Idea. Next morning the rumours started on King Farouk, and don't get me wrong he was bit of Playboy be he was a patriotic man and he loved the country and he was building the Country and just like any rein there was corruption, but the Muslim Brotherhood took upon themselves to tarnish and destroy the King. Not only this, they have tried to kill him many times. Those who are talking about democracy killed half of Egypt's Prime Ministers and member of Cabinet at that time, Writers, artists, normal people, anyone who disagrees with them or refuses to turn Egypt into Backward country. We are talking this was during the time were most of Egyptian Women wearing Yashmak that we actually got from Turkey and most of women going out wearing Veil and only some Aristocratic families were more westernise again just like any other time. Coming to Nassir Time: Nassir joined them for some time and he knew how dangerous and vicious they could be. Immediately when he got the power after Naguib, he decided to contain them and basically to crush them big time. Who did they turn to immediately at the time Nasir was not big fan of Royalty and royal families especially that's one of the July's revolution aspect to parish Royalty and more of pro socialism or more say communism. Royals in the Gulf region were not fan of this idea at all. King Faisal and Wahhabi in Saudi had their reasons to Support the Brotherhood. MI6 jumped into scene from the beginning they have supported and helped to finance and found the Group from the beginning as they were a tool in the Face of King Farouk as he was not big Fan of the British interference in Egypt's Politics especially in the 40's. MI6 helped to transfer loads of their group to work and teach and preach and study in Saudi and other region countries. Some actually went to train and live in Argentina, Cambodia, and Latin America. They tried to kill Nassir many times. Having said that there are a lot of the brotherhood youth are genuinely great people and fight for this country like the Feda2yeen during the war in 1956 but this is nothing coz at the end the Obedience Law in the Group mean whatever the leaders say thousands or millions have to obey and do without a question.

Now to Saddat Time: Anwar Saddat was a very wise and ahead of his time. He didn't like Communism and Socialism and thought by open the country and allow every one has the freedom to form his/her opnion and their own group or party will help the country to become more democratic and free and developed. He shut all the military and Politics Prisons, and released all the Political Prisoners during Nasir era. The most importantly he released all the Muslim Brotherhood and not only this....He sat with their leaders, talked to them and had a deal with them to let them preach every where and free to trade and have business. Not only this.....He paid them salaries and bounces for all the years they have spent in Prison with today's value....God have they become sooooooooooooo Rich and Richer. They start having Factories, Business, Schools, Hospitals, Clinics, Investments and the first Islamic Bank in Egypt. Faisal Islamic Bank which was used most of the time to laundry their dirty bloody money. Saddat helped them to build their group again, thinking they willl never turn against him after what he has done for them. They actually turn against him even before he signed Camp David Agreement before anyone jump into the stupid wagon and said oh Saddar betrayed the country by signing this agreement. 

Show Must Go ON

''Show Must Go ON''

Last night more than any other time I wish I was recording the Huge event of Capturing Bin Laden...or should I say the heroic act of the US Military and CIA work of ''Killing'' the most wanted man on earth. I Was watching the Celebrity Apprentice on NBC channel and all of the sudden this news reel showed up at the bottom announcing that Barrack Obama will address the nation soon in unusual and unprecedented speech. I was amazed it is nearly middle of the night in Washington DC; what on earth is this guy going to blow our mind with at this time? 

Within 5 - 10 minutes I was flicking among the US main stream media CBS, NBC, ABC, FOX or MOxnews, CNBC, and CNN etc.. all of the sudden this forensic reports on Bin Laden Death. News started flying from all around with none accurate details on where, when and who did that. It seemed pretty much a News but not that of a great important News to me, as I don't believe that this little low life collaborator ''Bin Laden'' worth anything any more as he has done his job already of damaging Islam and open the door for the vultures to hunt over middle east resources. 

It seemed that CIA and other agencies knew that the impact of this News won't be as huge as they have wanted it, therefore they were prepared to put an spectacular show and again manipulate the public feelings and brains and make them believe this is a great success and a huge achievement especially from Obama administration who is failing day by day to fulfil any of its promises or reforms internally and international. Cameras roles, correspondents are scattered across the globe to report the ....well let's say ...unreported. There were no materials or evidence or anything to talk about rather than repeating that Bin Laden is Dead, of course with a huge Oscar winning performance from most of the top Stations anchors who are happened to be all on their shifts that night. 

To add spice to the soup, CNN's Wolf Blitzer started linking the death of the Face of Evil with the revolution spring in the Middle East and how the new generations in the Arab World will benefit from that, which it doesn't make any sense what so ever. The funny thing is, an hour after that every news channel around the world is repeating the same sentence again and again and again as if the plan is to rub somehow against the new Era of change that is happening in the Middle East and involve the region into this stupid 'Shakespearean' play. 

Now back to the Stage Show directed by US Media; as all of the sudden after Barrack Obama calculated speech within seconds while the White Correspondents are reporting and commenting outside the garden; this ocean of people start swooping the perimeter of the White house chanting and cheering USA, USA , USA.

Suddenly NBC reporters was talking to the anchorman in the studio and without noticing that he slipped and said ''This is exactly what is planned for ages during Bush administration, .... As the republican had everything planned and organised for the that sort of reaction when this news comes out..... Well it is happening now and this was planned years ago!!!'' the cameras are flying over the fences and showing these waves of cheerers who gathered ''spontaneously'' to express their joy and solidarity to the US Army and the administration. This is the moment I was recording so I will not be paranoid to be called conspiracy theorist because it is a conspiracy and well plotted. The funny thing is all the crowd were absolutely young kids between 18 and 25 and happened that most of them running with the American ''Brand new'' flag wrapped around them; thanks to HD TV shows you every details better than the naked eyes; as you can see how new and fresh the signs and flags are. To prove the reporter's plot that banners where saying Bush & Cheney as the naive kids forgot that the plot planned during Bush administration but happened under Obama. Not a problem a slight mistake form the organisers just like when they have plotted brand new Quran versions and flight manuals among the WTC rubbles.

MISSING LINKS

Missing Links from Global Information Services on Vimeo.

Discover the definitive truth about 9/11 and learn why even the most popular movies on the subject have failed to address the evidence exhaustively presented in this video.

The facts will make it abundantly clear that the so-called 9/11 “Truth” movement has been infiltrated and is ultimately controlled by the same criminal group who masterminded the attacks.

As they say, ‘if you want to control the dissent you lead the dissent.’ Utilizing evidence from the FBI, CIA, NSA, US Armed Forces Intelligence sectors, Foreign Intelligence organizations, local law enforcement agencies and independent investigators, Missing Links goes where no other 9/11 video has dared to.

Israel’s negative impact on America & other countries: 9/11, attack on USS Liberty, theft of state secrets, control of our government’s policies re the Middle East and much more.

Egypt Vs Who?!!

               

I grew up on a repetitive record that ‘Egypt is targeted by enemies’, but never understood exactly who are those enemies?! To be more precise, as much as we hear this record we could not take it serious any more. Maybe because that we had a regime tried to blame most of its failure to deliver prosperity and achievements by saying that our country is always targeted and when the crisis hit the fingers turn towards the biggest boggy creature called ‘Israel’.

I have to blame ourselves for being naive for not taking this idea so serious, but I also have to blame the entire system both politicians and media to distract us and participate into a systematic propaganda which helped to drive us to lose faith and trust. I am talking here mostly on the state media and I will show you later why the private media found it a lot easier to manipulate us.

I am not going to exasperate you with the reasons of why Egypt is very important strategic country either politically or geographically, but I will try in this report to illuminate the light on how Egypt has been targeted and the plan to bring it down has been going for many years.

First I have to thank and apologise to my father, eng. Mahmoud Anwar. Thank him for his help and his efforts for years and years to teach us and make us aware of the present and coming danger which is internally and externally. I apologise for not fully listening to him and to his attempts of open different window to see this equation from a different angle. But as I said before we all know that Egypt is targeted but we have lost sense of the scale of this plan as we have lost faith in a regime that used this record for many years to suppress and control us.

Let’s start from the beginning, shall we!

Years ago I have stumbled over an Egyptian talk show called ‘’Alqaheraalyoum’’ on Orbit network. I have to admit that I liked the program a lot and not because of the presenter himself but the idea that I live outside Egypt for long time and i missed to get a grasp of what is going on the ground there. I had no idea that Egyptian media has become more independent. I was amazed (Well at the beginning at least) that Egypt has got a strong programs that can criticise the government and reflect on people’s day to day problems. After a while I started to realise that there are plenty of private channels and networks in Egypt and they all got their own talk shows some are pure political some are mixtures of both Social and Political.

I watched these specific programs for months and months and everyday I can see through the internet the rates of its audience increasing dramatically. I could not put my hands exactly why I do like to watch these programs and why a lot of Egyptians across the world do as well. Maybe as my father says ‘’EL mozee3 beystazraf awo beytfalsef’’, as a lot of Egyptians, we like comedians and don’t take our problems too serious most of the time.

In November 2009 the entire Egyptian Media including Amr Adeeb program started a huge wild campaign against Algeria as a country and claimed that the Algerians football fans were killing Egyptians in Sudan, remember there was not one piece of evidence or picture to prove their claims. Months after these severe campaigns and media messages we have found out that it was all lies and false accusations. I lost faith again in the hope to have independent credible private media and I have become more aware that there two camps running the show. One camp complies and runs by the regime and the other one, which is bigger, runs by spies agencies and collaborators from inside directed by international agencies.

Now most of you will say ‘’ah! Another cliché, we have heard these ones million times’’. It is true. For instance; most of us realised how Aljazeera has strong agenda to target Egypt and destroy its role and position as a leading country in the region, but their conjuring was not going anywhere, therefore the external forces had to find another way to implement their plan to control the region, but this time internally.

The ‘Operation Change’ has to sweep the region, but it will be a lot easier to come from within as the military choices are very costly and not hundred percent effective to establish a new regime that comply with the ‘Western Interests’.

Under many different slogans from ‘’Human Rights, Democracy, Freedom, etc’’ these agencies managed to create a huge networks to spread amid the Egyptian society and especially the middle educated class.  These educated youths are easier to be attracted to these international groups because of our former regime stupidity, stubbornness and ignoring public demands for many years.

As part of the plan, those intelligent agencies will spread their spies and collaborators in every seen and heard platform to increase the feeling of frustration and anger. Their mission is to expose the worst of the worst of this country and to mobilizing people towards the unknown.

During my discussion with my friend Fadia Al Mousa, she has pointed out a very important piece of information regarding ‘Freedom house-new generation’. Haven’t heard of it?!! Well brace yourself!

New Generation Fellows Take Part in Exchange Program

Sources – http://www.freedomhouse.org

April 13, 2007

‘’As part of Freedom House's New Generation of Advocates program, seventeen fellows from North Africa have been selected to take part in a training and exchange program focusing on strengthening advocacy skills. These emerging democratic leaders, who work as lawyers, bloggers, journalists, professors and human rights activists, are currently participating in training on civic engagement in Amman, Jordan. When the training finishes next week, eleven fellows will be coming to the U.S. while seven will fly to Europe.
In Washington, D.C., and Budapest, Hungary, these activists will spend a week visiting with governmental, nongovernmental and media organizations to learn how these institutions work in a democratic environment. Afterwards, the activists will be placed in fellowships with non-profit organizations around the country and throughout Europe which work on advocacy campaigns, press freedom, torture prevention and community activism. The fellows’ final week will be spent back in Washington and Budapest, discussing their fellowships and determining how their experiences can be applied to their work at home.
The New Generation of Advocates program supports young civil society activists who are working for peaceful political change in the Middle East and North Africa, primarily through professional fellowships in the U.S. and Central and Eastern Europe’’.

The “New Generation” program is “supported by funds from the US State Department and the US Agency for International Development (USAID).” It has provided Egyptian fellows the opportunity to work with Americans and “hone” skills so they can become “social and political reformers.”

This organisation and many others have been working very hard and very effectively in the Middle East for the last 6 – 7 years. It has been recruiting several ‘’bloggers & activists’’ from all over. Their apparent objectives are to help the suppressed communities in the developing countries to have their say and participate in the decision making. The hidden objectives are to use the ambitious youths and minds and manipulate their dreams to cause the chaos and the spread a blurry picture for the future, in order to drive the region on parallel directions towards so called ‘’Change’’.

One of these bloggers is ‘Esraa Abdul Fattah’, remember this name?!

Esraa worked as a human resources administrator, when she ‘co-founded’ April 6 Youth Movement Egypt in 2008, a Facebook group that was made to support the workers in El-Mahalla El-Kubra, an industrial town, who were planning to strike on April 6. This group gradually became a popular political movement.

When Esraa was arrested or as the entire media love to call it disappeared, frenzy in the media to release the activist. Here appear Amr Adeeb and many more on 17^th April 2009, as part of the intelligent agencies to lead the campaign to release Esraa at once and to create a heroic (Jean De Arch) image that fights for the public

The Frenetic campaign extends to the international media to polish her image and glorify her role such as the Post Gazette and The Washington Post.

A s I have published in February 2011 on my blog SofianScoop the following Wikileaks top secret cables from the US embassy in Cairo, I will repeat part of this cable regard the New Generation and Freedom House

 http://sofianscoop.blogspot.com/2011/02/egypt-protests-americas-secret-backing.html  

‘’Prominent Egyptian blogger XXXXXXXXXXXXX, contacted us November 17 to report that YouTube removed from his website two videos exposing police abuses -- one of Sinai bedouin allegedly shot by police and thrown in a garbage dump during the past week's violence (ref A), and the other of a woman being tortured in a police station. XXXXXXXXXXXXX told us that YouTube is also preventing XXXXXXXXXXXX from posting new videos, and asked us for assistance in urging YouTube to re-post his removed videos and reinstate his access to uploading new material. XXXXXXXXXXXXX said XXXXXXXXXXXXXX has tried to contact Google, but has not received a response.

In December 2007, DRL and Embassy Cairo worked to convince Google to restore XXXXXXXXXXXXX' YouTube access after a similar incident. We believe that a similar Department intervention with Google representatives could help in restoring XXXXXXXXXXXXX' access again. XXXXXXXXXXXXis an influential blogger and human rights activist, and we want to do everything we can to assist him in exposing police abuse. XXXXXXXXXXXXX' post of a video showing two policemen sodomizing a bus driver was used as the main evidence to convict the officers in November 2007 (ref C).

The most interesting part of 08CAIRO2371 is perhaps this section:

(SBU) The group included bloggers, journalists, activists from secular opposition parties such as El-Ghad and the Democratic Front Party and movements such as "Kifaya" and "April 6. A lawyer for the group confirmed that a French activist was among the detainees. Some of the detainees are participants in Freedom House's "New Generation" program which provides training for young activists. One member of the group departed for Washington January 18 to participate in a Project on Middle East Democracy program. Contacts confirmed that activist and El-Ghad party member Israa Abdel Fattah was also part of the group. (Note: Abdel Fattah was the subject of headlines in April 2008 when she was arrested and detained for 17 days after her call for an April 6 general strike on Facebook attracted almost 70,000 members (ref B). Following her release, she renounced her activities in a television interview, and has remained out of public view until now. End note.’’

Again I have to stress that I am not saying that Esraa or others are particularly spies or traitors, maybe some of them are, especially those who are politically driven to gain position in the New World Order. I am pointing out that most of these youths have been used and dragged into a bigger war they have no experience in what so ever.

Again i am not defending the former regime of Mubarak as they were brutal and autocratic system to the bones.

The motives are great and the cause sounds promising; ‘’Democracy, Freedom of speech, Freedom of Journalism, Human Rights, Women Rights, Justice for all, etc’’, but the truth is, the aim is to gain absolute control by the super power.

Whether you agree or disagree with certain move is not the problem. The problem is that we have become divided into two camps either with ‘Tahrir Sq.’ or with the former regime. I think this is the dilemma that the majority of us have fallen for due the lack of or none political experience. We have become as exactly as George Bush tyranny regime did when they were threaten the entire world; ‘’you either with us or against us’’. This The US that is calling for democracy and freedom. Is the same U.S. who is funding freedom programs throughout the Middle East and train its youths how to run a revolution or in another word create a havoc and atrocity.

The Egyptian Constitution...1971...وﺛﻴﻘﺔ إﻋﻼن اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر

ﻧﺤﻦ ﺟﻤﺎهﻴﺮ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ هﺬﻩ اﻷرض اﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪة ﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﺠﺮ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ واﻟﺤﻀﺎرة

ﻧﺤﻦ ﺟﻤﺎهﻴﺮ هﺬا اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺮى ﻣﺼﺮ وﺣﻘﻮﻟﻬﺎ وﻣﺪﻧﻬﺎ وﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻬﺎ وﻣﻮاﻃﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ  وﻓﻰ آﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﺸﺎرك ﻓﻲ ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮاﺑﻬﺎ أو ﻳﺸﺎرك ﻓﻲ ﺷﺮف اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ هﺬا اﻟﺘﺮاب.

ﻧﺤﻦ ﺟﻤﺎهﻴﺮ هﺬا اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺤﻤﻞ إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ أﻣﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ أهﺪاف ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﺿﺮواﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ، ﺑﺬورهﺎ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ واﻟﺸﺎق، اﻟﺬي ارﺗﻔﻌﺖ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮة اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻟﻸﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ راﻳﺎت اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ واﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻴﺔ واﻟﻮﺣدة.

ﻧﺤﻦ ﺟﻤﺎهﻴﺮ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻣﺼﺮ؛ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ اﷲ وﺑﻌﻮن اﷲ ﻧﻠﺘﺰم إﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪ، وﺑﺪون ﻗﻴﺪ أو ﺷﺮط أن ﻧﺒﺬل آﻞ اﻟﺠﻬﻮد ﻟﻨﺤﻘﻖ:

أوﻻ) اﻟﺴﻼم ﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻨﺎ( :

ﻋﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺄن اﻟﺴﻼم ﻻ ﻳﻘﻮم إﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﺪل وﺑﺄن اﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻜﻞ

اﻟﺸﻌﻮب ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺠﺮى أو ﻳﺘﻢ إﻻ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺸﻌﻮب وﺑﺈرادﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ، وﺑﺄن أي ﺣﻀﺎرة ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ اﺳﻤﺎ إﻻ ﻣﺒﺮاة ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻣﻬﻤﺎ كﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﻮرﻩ وأﻟﻮاﻧه.

(ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ) اﻟﻮﺣﺪة:

أم أﻣﺘﻨﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻧﺪاء ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ودﻋﻮة ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ وﺿﺮورة ﻣﺼﻴﺮ وأﻧﻬﺎ ﻻ

ﻳﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ إﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ أﻣﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﻠﻰ دﻓﻊ وردع أي ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎ آﺎن ﻣﺼﺪرﻩ

وﻣﻬﻤﺎ آﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺪﻋﺎوى اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺎﻧﺪﻩ.

(ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ)

اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎة ﻓﻲ وﻃﻨﻨﺎ، ﻋﻦ إﻳﻤﺎن ﺑﺄن اﻟﺘﺤﺪي اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻮاﺟﻬﻪ اﻷوﻃﺎن هﻮ

ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم، واﻟﺘﻘﺪم ﻻ ﻳﺤﺪث ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎ أو ﺑﻤﺠﺮد اﻟﻮﻗﻮف ﻋﻨﺪ إﻃﻼق اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات، وإﻧﻤﺎ اﻟﻘﻮة

اﻟﺪاﻓﻌﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺘﻘﺪم ﻓﻲ إﻃﻼق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت واﻟﻤﻠﻜﺎت اﻟﺨﻼﻗﺔ واﻟﻤﺒﺪﻋﺔ ﻟﺸﻌﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﺬي

ﺳﺠﻞ ﻓﻲ آﻞ اﻟﻌﺼﻮر إﺳﻬﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﺣﺪﻩ ﻓﻲ أداء دورﻩ اﻟﺤﻀﺎري ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ

واﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ.

ﻟﻘﺪ ﺧﺎض ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﻠﻮ أﺧﺮى، وﻗﺪم أﺛﻨﺎء واﺳﺘﺮﺷﺪ ﺧﻼل ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﺠﺎرب ﻏﻨﻴﺔ، وﻃﻨﻴﺔ وﻗﻮﻣﻴﺔ

وﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ، ﻋﺒﺮت ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻄﺎف ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺜﻮرة 23 ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ

1952 اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎدهﺎ ﺗﺤﺎﻟﻒ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺿﻞ، واﻟﺬي اﺳﺘﻄﺎع ﺑﻮﻋﻴﻪ اﻟﻌﻤﻴﻖ

وﺣﺴﻪ اﻟﻤﺮهﻒ، أن ﻳﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻮهﺮهﺎ اﻷﺻﻴﻞ، وأن ﻳﺼﺤﺢ دواﻣﺎ وﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻣﺴﺎرهﺎ وأن

ﻳﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة ﻻآﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﻠﻢ واﻹﻳﻤﺎن وﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ

اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ وﺑﻴﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ واﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎء اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ وﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻔﺎح اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ

ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ واﻗﺘﺼﺎدا وﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ وﻓﻜﺮا واﻟﺤﺮب ﺿﺪ آﻞ ﻗﻮى ورواﺳﺐ اﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ واﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة

واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل.

(راﺑﻌﺎ)

اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي ﻋﻦ إدراك ﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ أن إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﻋﺰﺗﻪ هﻲ اﻟﺸﻌﺎع اﻟﺬي هﺪى

ووﺟﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺬي ﻗﻄﻌﺘﻪ اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺜﻠﻬﺎ اﻷﻋﻠﻰ.

أن آﺮاﻣﺔ اﻟﻔﺮد اﻧﻌﻜﺎس ﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ، وذﻟﻚ أن اﻟﻔﺮد هﻮ ﺣﺠﺮ اﻷﺳﺎس ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻮﻃﻦ وﺑﻘﻴﻤﺔ

اﻟﻔﺮد وﺑﻌﻤﻠﻪ وﺑﻜﺮاﻣﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ وﻗﻮﺗﻪ وهﻴﺒﺘﻪ.

أن ﺳﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻔﺮد ﻓﺤﺴﺐ، ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ اﻷﺳﺎس اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻟﻤﺸﺮوﻋﻴﺔ

اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻓﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ.

أن ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﺗﺤﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﻮى اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺒﻴﻼ ﻟﻠﺼﺮاع اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ،وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ هﺬا اﻟﻌﺼﺮ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ وﻣﻨﺎﺧﻪ ووﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺻﻤﺎم أﻣﺎن ﻳﺼﻮن وﺣﺪة اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ

اﻟﻮﻃﻦ، وﻳﺤﻘﻖ إزاﻟﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎت ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻲ.

ﻧﺤﻦ ﺟﻤﺎهﻴﺮ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎ وﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ وإﻳﻤﺎﻧﺎ وإدراآﺎ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ

واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ وﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺤﻖ اﷲ ورﺳﺎﻻﺗﻪ وﺑﺤﻖ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ واﻷﻣﺔ وﺑﺤﻖ اﻟﻤﺒﺪأ واﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ

وﺑﺎﺳﻢ اﷲ وﺑﻌﻮن اﷲ، ﻧﻌﻠﻦ ﻓﻲ هﺬا اﻟﻴﻮم اﻟﺤﺎدي ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ﺳﻨﺔ 1971، أﻧﻨﺎ

ﻧﻘﺒﻞ وﻧﻤﻨﺢ ﻷﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ هﺬا اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر، ﻣﺆآﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻣﻨﺎ اﻷآﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻨﻪ وﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻪ وﻋﻠﻰ

ﺗﺄآﻴﺪ اﺣﺘﺮاﻣﻪ.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻷول ( اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 1 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 6

دﺳﺘﻮر ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻷول

اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (1)

ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ دوﻟﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ اﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ دﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻲ ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﻮى اﻟﺸﻌﺐ

اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ. واﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ وﺣﺪﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (2)

اﻹﺳﻼم دﻳﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، واﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻐﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ، وﻣﺒﺎدئ اﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺼﺪر

اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (3)

اﻟﺴﻴﺎدة ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ وﺣﺪﻩ، وهﻮ ﻣﺼﺪر اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت، وﻳﻤﺎرس اﻟﺸﻌﺐ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺴﻴﺎدة وﻳﺤﻤﻴﻬﺎ، وﻳﺼﻮن

اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (4)

اﻷﺳﺎس اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ هﻮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ واﻟﻌﺪل، ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺤﻮل دون اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل وﻳﺆدى إﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ اﻟﻔﻮارق ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﺪﺧﻮل، وﻳﺤﻤﻰ

اﻟﻜﺴﺐ اﻟﻤﺸﺮوع، وﻳﻜﻔﻞ ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ اﻷﻋﺒﺎء واﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (5)

ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﺗﻌﺪد اﻷﺣﺰاب وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر

اﻟﻤﻘﻮﻣﺎت واﻟﻤﺒﺎدئ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي اﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮص ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (6)

اﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻳﻨﻈﻤﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن

ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ: (1) و(2) و(3) و(4) ﻋﺪﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر، اﻟﺬي أﺟﺮى

ﻳﻮم 22 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ 1980اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ( اﻟﻤﻘﻮﻣﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 7 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 39

اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻷول

اﻟﻤﻘﻮﻣﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (7)

ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (8)

ﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ اﻟﻔﺮص ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (9)

اﻷﺳﺮة أﺳﺎس اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، ﻗﻮاﻣﻬﺎ اﻟﺪﻳﻦ واﻷﺧﻼق واﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ.

وﺗﺤﺮص اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻷﺻﻴﻞ ﻟﻸﺳﺮة اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ وﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﻢ

وﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ، ﻣﻊ ﺗﺄآﻴﺪ هﺬا اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ وﺗﻨﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت داﺧﻞ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (10)

ﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻣﻮﻣﺔ واﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ، وﺗﺮﻋﻰ اﻟﻨﺶء واﻟﺸﺒﺎب، وﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ

ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﻜﺎﺗﻬﻢ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (11)

ﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ واﺟﺒﺎت اﻟﻤﺮأة ﻧﺤﻮ اﻷﺳﺮة وﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، وﻣﺴﺎواﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﻞ

ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺎدﻳﻦ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ، دون إﺧﻼل ﺑﺄﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ

اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (12)

ﻳﻠﺘﺰم اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﺧﻼق وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ، واﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ اﻷﺻﻴﻠﺔ، وﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮاﻋﺎة

اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺮﻓﻴﻊ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﻴﻢ اﻟﺨﻠﻘﻴﺔ واﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ، واﻟﺘﺮاث اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ، واﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ

اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ، واﻟﺴﻠﻮك اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ، واﻵداب اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪود اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﺗﻠﺘﺰم اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺑﺈﺗﺒﺎع هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺒﺎدئ واﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (13)

اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﻖ وواﺟﺐ وﺷﺮف ﺗﻜﻔﻠﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، وﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن اﻟﻤﻤﺘﺎزون ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ

واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ.

وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻓﺮض أي ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺒﺮا ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ إﻻ ﺑﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن وﻷداء ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ وﺑﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ

ﻋﺎدل.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (14)

اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ، وﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺋﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ

وﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺄداء واﺟﺒﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ رﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻓﺼﻠﻬﻢ ﺑﻐﻴﺮ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺘﺄدﻳﺒﻲ إﻻ ﻓﻲ

اﻷﺣﻮال اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺤﺪدهﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (15) ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎرﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺪﻣﺎء واﻟﻤﺼﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﺮب أو ﺑﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ وﻟﺰوﺟﺎت اﻟﺸﻬﺪاء وأﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﻢ اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ

ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (16)

ﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ، وﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎص ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮهﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﻳﺔ

ﻓﻲ ﻳﺴﺮ واﻧﺘﻈﺎم رﻓﻌﺎ ﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮاهﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (17)

ﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ واﻟﺼﺤﻲ، وﻣﻌﺎﺷﺎت اﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ

واﻟﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ، وذﻟﻚ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (18)

اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻜﻔﻠﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، وهﻮ اﻟﺰاﻣﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﻴﺔ، وﺗﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪ اﻹﻟﺰام

إﻟﻰ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ أﺧﺮى. وﺗﺸﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ آﻠﻪ، وﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﺳﺘﻘﻼل اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت وﻣﺮاآﺰ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ،

وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺤﻘﻖ اﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ وﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ واﻹﻧﺘﺎج.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (19)

اﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺎدة أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎهﺞ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﻟﻌﺎم.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (20)

اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮاﺣﻠﻪ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (21)

ﻣﺤﻮ اﻷﻣﻴﺔ واﺟﺐ وﻃﻨﻲ ﺗﺠﻨﺪ آﻞ ﻃﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (22)

إﻧﺸﺎء اﻟﺮﺗﺐ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﻈﻮر.

اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ

اﻟﻤﻘﻮﻣﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (23)

ﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺨﻄﺔ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺗﻜﻔﻞ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ، وﻋﺪاﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻮزﻳﻊ،

ورﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ، واﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ، وزﻳﺎدة ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ، ورﺑﻂ اﻷﺟﺮ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺘﺎج، وﺿﻤﺎن

ﺣﺪ أدﻧﻰ ﻟﻸﺟﻮر، ووﺿﻊ ﺣﺪ أﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻜﻔﻞ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ اﻟﻔﺮوق ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﺪﺧﻮل.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (24)

ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ آﻞ أدوات اﻹﻧﺘﺎج، وﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺋﻀﻬﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺨﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻌﻬﺎ

اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (25)

ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺤﺪدﻩ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺑﻤﺮاﻋﺎة ﻋﻤﻠﻪ أو ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (26) ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻓﻲ إدارة اﻟﻤﺸﺮوﻋﺎت وﻓﻰ أرﺑﺎﺣﻬﺎ، وﻳﻠﺘﺰﻣﻮن ﺑﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج وﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﺨﻄﺔ ﻓﻲ

وﺣﺪاﺗﻬﻢ اﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن. واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أدوات اﻹﻧﺘﺎج واﺟﺐ وﻃﻨﻲ.

وﻳﻜﻮن ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ إدارة وﺣﺪات اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﺎم ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪود ﺧﻤﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ

ﻋﺪد أﻋﻀﺎء هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ، وﺗﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻟﺼﻐﺎر اﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﻦ وﺻﻐﺎر اﻟﺤﺮﻓﻴﻴﻦ

ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ إدارة اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ

اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (27)

ﻳﺸﺘﺮك اﻟﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻮن ﻓﻲ إدارة ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎت اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ذات اﻟﻨﻔﻊ اﻟﻌﺎم واﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (28)

ﺗﺮﻋﻰ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺸﺂت اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺻﻮرهﺎ، وﺗﺸﺠﻊ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺤﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج

وزﻳﺎدة اﻟﺪﺧﻞ.

وﺗﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ دﻋﻢ اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ وﻓﻖ اﻷﺳﺲ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (29)

ﺗﺨﻀﻊ اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﺗﺤﻤﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، وهﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﻧﻮاع: اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ

اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ، واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (30)

اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ هﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﺗﺘﺄآﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﺎم.

وﻳﻘﻮد اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﺘﻘﺪم ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻت وﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺧﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (31)

اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ هﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ، وﻳﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن رﻋﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ وﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ اﻹدارة

اﻟﺬاﺗﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (32)

اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ رأس اﻟﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻐﻞ، وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن أداء وﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ

ﻓﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ وﻓﻰ إﻃﺎر ﺧﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ، دون اﻧﺤﺮاف أو اﺳﺘﻐﻼل، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز أن

ﺗﺘﻌﺎرض ﻓﻲ ﻃﺮق اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺨﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (33)

ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﺮﻣﺔ، وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ودﻋﻤﻬﺎ واﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ آﻞ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن، ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرهﺎ ﺳﻨﺪا

ﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻮﻃﻦ وأﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ وﻣﺼﺪرا ﻟﺮﻓﺎهﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (34)

اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﺔ، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻓﺮض اﻟﺤﺮاﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ إﻻ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺣﻮال اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن

وﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ، وﻻ ﺗﻨﺰع اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ إﻻ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن. وﺣﻖ اﻹرث

ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻜﻔﻮل.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (35)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز اﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻢ إﻻ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرات اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم وﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ. اﻟﻤﺎدة (36)

اﻟﻤﺼﺎدر اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻮال ﻣﺤﻈﻮرة، وﻻ ﺗﺠﻮز اﻟﻤﺼﺎدرة اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ إﻻ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (37)

ﻳﻌﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺤﺪ اﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻔﻼح واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺰراﻋﻰ ﻣﻦ

اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل وﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺆآﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﺤﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﻮى اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (38)

ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻀﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (39)

اﻻدﺧﺎر واﺟﺐ وﻃﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﺗﺸﺠﻌﻪ وﺗﻨﻈﻤﻪ.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ( اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎت واﻟﺤﻘﻮق واﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 40 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 63

اﻟﻤﺎدة (40)

اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻮن ﻟﺪى اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺳﻮاء، وهﻢ ﻣﺘﺴﺎوون ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق واﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، ﻻ ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ

ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ أو اﻷﺻﻞ أو اﻟﻠﻐﺔ أو اﻟﺪﻳﻦ أو اﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪة.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (41)

اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ وهﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻤﺲ، وﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺪا ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻠﺒﺲ ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز اﻟﻘﺒﺾ

ﻋﻠﻰ أﺣﺪ أو ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺸﻪ أو ﺣﺒﺴﻪ أو ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﺄي ﻗﻴﺪ أو ﻣﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ إﻻ ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﺗﺴﺘﻠﺰﻣﻪ

ﺿﺮورة اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ وﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ أﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، وﻳﺼﺪر هﺬا اﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﺺ أو اﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﺔ

اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، وذﻟﻚ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺪة اﻟﺤﺒﺲ اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (42)

آﻞ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﻳﻘﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ أو ﻳﺤﺒﺲ أو ﺗﻘﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﺄي ﻗﻴﺪ ﺗﺠﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺤﻔﻆ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ آﺮاﻣﺔ

اﻹﻧﺴﺎن، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز إﻳﺬاؤﻩ ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺎ أو ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎ، آﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﺣﺠﺰﻩ أو ﺣﺒﺴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻷﻣﺎآﻦ

اﻟﺨﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺴﺠﻮن.

وآﻞ ﻗﻮل ﻳﺜﺒﺖ أﻧﻪ ﺻﺪر ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ وﻃﺄة ﺷﺊ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺪم أو اﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﺊ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻳﻬﺪر وﻻ

ﻳﻌﻮل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (43)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز إﺟﺮاء أي ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﺔ أو ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أي إﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﻐﻴﺮ رﺿﺎﺋﻪ اﻟﺤﺮ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (44)

ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎآﻦ ﺣﺮﻣﺔ ﻓﻼ ﻳﺠﻮز دﺧﻮﻟﻬﺎ وﻻ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺸﻬﺎ إﻻ ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (45)

ﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺣﺮﻣﺔ ﻳﺤﻤﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﻟﻠﻤﺮاﺳﻼت اﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪﻳﺔ واﻟﺒﺮﻗﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﺤﺎدﺛﺎت اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﻮﻧﻴﺔ وﻏﻴﺮهﺎ ﻣﻦ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﺗﺼﺎل ﺣﺮﻣﺔ،وﺳﺮﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻜﻔﻮﻟﺔ، وﻻ ﺗﺠﻮز ﻣﺼﺎدرﺗﻬﺎ أو اﻹﻃﻼع ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أو رﻗﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎ اﻻ ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ وﻟﻤﺪة

ﻣﺤﺪدة ووﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (46)

ﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪة وﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (47)

ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺮأي ﻣﻜﻔﻮﻟﺔ، وﻟﻜﻞ إﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ رأﻳﻪ وﻧﺸﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮل أو اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ أو اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ أو ﻏﻴﺮ

ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪود اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، واﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻟﺬاﺗﻲ واﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﺿﻤﺎن ﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء

اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (48)

ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ واﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ واﻟﻨﺸﺮ ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم ﻣﻜﻔﻮﻟﺔ، واﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﺤﻈﻮرة

وإﻧﺬارهﺎ أو وﻗﻔﻬﺎ أو إﻟﻐﺎؤهﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻷدارى ﻣﺤﻈﻮر، وﻳﺠﻮز اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ إﻋﻼن اﻟﻄﻮارئ

أو زﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺮب أن ﻳﻔﺮض ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﺤﻒ واﻟﻤﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎت ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم رﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﻓﻲ اﻷﻣﻮر

اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ أو أﻏﺮاض اﻷﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ، وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (49)

ﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ واﻹﺑﺪاع اﻷدﺑﻲ واﻟﻔﻨﻲ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ، وﺗﻮﻓﺮ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ

اﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ذﻟﻚ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (50)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز أن ﺗﺤﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ أي ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ وﻻ أن ﻳﻠﺰم ﺑﺎﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻣﻌﻴﻦ

إﻻ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺣﻮال اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (51)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز إﺑﻌﺎد أي ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺒﻼد أو ﻣﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻮدة إﻟﻴﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (52)

ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪاﺋﻤﺔ أو اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻮﺗﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺨﺎرج، وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن هﺬا اﻟﺤﻖ وإﺟﺮاءات

وﺷﺮوط اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﻣﻐﺎدرة اﻟﺒﻼد.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (53)

ﺗﻤﻨﺢ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺣﻖ اﻻﻟﺘﺠﺎء اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻜﻞ أﺟﻨﺒﻲ اﺿﻄﻬﺪ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺸﻌﻮب

أو ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أو اﻟﺴﻼم أو اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ.

وﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻈﻮر.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (54)

ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع اﻟﺨﺎص ﻓﻲ هﺪوء ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺳﻼﺣﺎ ودون ﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ إﺧﻄﺎر

ﺳﺎﺑﻖ، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺟﺎل اﻷﻣﻦ ﺣﻀﻮر اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ. واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﻤﻮاآﺐ

واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪود اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (55)

ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻳﺤﻈﺮ إﻧﺸﺎء ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺎت ﻳﻜﻮن

ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎدﻳﺎ ﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ أو ﺳﺮﻳﺎ أو ذا ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﺴﻜﺮي. اﻟﻤﺎدة (56)

إﻧﺸﺎء اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻻﺗﺤﺎدات ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس دﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻳﻜﻔﻠﻪ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ

اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻳﺔ.

وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺴﺎهﻤﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻻﺗﺤﺎدات ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﺨﻄﻂ واﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ، وﻓﻰ رﻓﻊ

ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ ودﻋﻢ اﻟﺴﻠﻮك اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ أﻣﻮاﻟﻬﺎ.

وهﻰ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﺑﻤﺴﺎءﻟﺔ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻠﻮآﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﻢ وﻓﻖ ﻣﻮاﺛﻴﻖ ﺷﺮف

أﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ، وﺑﺎﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق واﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻤﻘﺮرة ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﻷﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (57)

آﻞ اﻋﺘﺪاء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ أو ﺣﺮﻣﺔ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ وﻏﻴﺮهﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق

واﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻔﻠﻬﺎ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﺪﻋﻮى اﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﻻ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ

اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻘﺎدم، وﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﺎدﻻ ﻟﻤﻦ وﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻻﻋﺘﺪاء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (58)

اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ وأرﺿﻪ واﺟﺐ ﻣﻘﺪس، واﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺪ اﺟﺒﺎرى وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (59)

ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻤﻜﺎﺳﺐ اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻴﺔ ودﻋﻤﻬﺎ واﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ واﺟﺐ وﻃﻨﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (60)

اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ وﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ أﺳﺮار اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ واﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ آﻞ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (61)

أداء اﻟﻀﺮاﺋﺐ واﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﺟﺐ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (62)

ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻦ ﺣﻖ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب واﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ وإﺑﺪاء اﻟﺮأي ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء وﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻣﺴﺎهﻤﺘﻪ

ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﺟﺐ وﻃﻨﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (63)

ﻟﻜﻞ ﻓﺮد ﺣﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ آﺘﺎﺑﺔ وﺑﺘﻮﻗﻴﻌﻪ، وﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ

ﺑﺎﺳﻢ اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎت إﻻ ﻟﻠﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ واﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻳﺔ.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ( ﺳﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 64 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 72

اﻟﻤﺎدة (64)

ﺳﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن أﺳﺎس اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (65)

ﺗﺨﻀﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن، واﺳﺘﻘﻼل اﻟﻘﻀﺎء وﺣﺼﺎﻧﺘﻪ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺎن أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎن ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق

واﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎت. اﻟﻤﺎدة (66)

اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ.

وﻻ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔ وﻻ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺔ إﻻ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن، وﻻ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺔ إﻻ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ، وﻻ ﻋﻘﺎب إﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻷﻓﻌﺎل اﻟﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻧﻔﺎذ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (67)

اﻟﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺮئ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ إداﻧﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺎآﻤﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ.

وآﻞ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎم ﻳﺪاﻓﻊ ﻋﻨﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (68)

اﻟﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺼﻮن وﻣﻜﻔﻮل ﻟﻠﻨﺎس آﺎﻓﺔ، وﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﺣﻖ اﻻﻟﺘﺠﺎء إﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﺿﻴﻪ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ،

وﺗﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﻦ وﺳﺮﻋﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ.

وﻳﺤﻈﺮ اﻟﻨﺺ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻦ أي ﻋﻤﻞ أو ﻗﺮار أدارى ﻣﻦ رﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (69)

ﺣﻖ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع أﺻﺎﻟﺔ أو ﺑﺎﻟﻮآﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻜﻔﻮل.

وﻳﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻟﻐﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎدرﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﻟﺘﺠﺎء إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء واﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (70)

ﻻ ﺗﻘﺎم اﻟﺪﻋﻮى اﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ إﻻ ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ، ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺪا اﻷﺣﻮال اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺤﺪدهﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (71)

ﻳﺒﻠﻎ آﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ أو ﻳﻌﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺄﺳﺒﺎب اﻟﻘﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ أو اﻋﺘﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻮرا، وﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻪ ﺣﻖ اﻻﺗﺼﺎل

ﺑﻤﻦ ﻳﺮى إﺑﻼﻏﻪ ﺑﻤﺎ وﻗﻊ أو اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻨﻈﻤﻪ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻳﺠﺐ إﻋﻼﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ

وﺟﻪ اﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻬﻢ اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻬﺔ إﻟﻴﻪ، وﻟﻪ وﻟﻐﻴﺮﻩ اﻟﺘﻈﻠﻢ أﻣﺎم اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ اﻹﺟﺮاء اﻟﺬي ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺘﻪ

اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ، وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﻖ اﻟﺘﻈﻠﻢ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻞ اﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺪة ﻣﺤﺪدة، وإﻻ وﺟﺐ

اﻹﻓﺮاج ﺣﺘﻤﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (72)

ﺗﺼﺪر اﻷﺣﻜﺎم وﺗﻨﻔﺬ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﻳﻜﻮن اﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎع ﻋﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬهﺎ أو ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬهﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ

اﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﺼﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔ ﻳﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻟﻠﻤﺤﻜﻮم ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ

ﺣﻖ رﻓﻊ اﻟﺪﻋﻮى اﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻷول رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 73 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 85

اﻟﻤﺎدة (73)

رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ هﻮ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ، وﻳﺴﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄآﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎدة اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﻋﻠﻰ اﺣﺘﺮام

اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر وﺳﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﻜﺎﺳﺐ اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻴﺔ، وﻳﺮﻋﻰ اﻟﺤﺪود

ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت ﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﺗﺄدﻳﺔ دورهﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (74)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ إذا ﻗﺎم ﺧﻄﺮ ﻳﻬﺪد اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أو ﺳﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ أو ﻳﻌﻮق ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎتاﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ أداء دورهﺎ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮري أن ﻳﺘﺨﺬ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺴﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺔ هﺬا اﻟﺨﻄﺮ، وﻳﻮﺟﻪ

ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﻳﺠﺮى اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ اﺗﺨﺬﻩ ﻣﻦ إﺟﺮاءات ﺧﻼل ﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ

اﺗﺨﺎذهﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (75)

ﻳﺸﺘﺮط ﻓﻴﻤﻦ ﻳﻨﺘﺨﺐ رﺋﻴﺴﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺑﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ، وأن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻤﺘﻌﺎ

ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻗﻪ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ، وأﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﺳﻨﻪ ﻋﻦ أرﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﻴﻼدﻳﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (76)

ﻳﻨﺘﺨﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاع اﻟﺴﺮي اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮ، وﻳﻠﺰم ﻟﻘﺒﻮل اﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ

ﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﺆﻳﺪ اﻟﻤﺘﻘﺪم ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﻣﺎﺋﺘﺎن وﺧﻤﺴﻮن ﻋﻀﻮاً ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ

اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺴﻲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ واﻟﺸﻮرى واﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت ،

ﻋﻠﻰ أﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﺪد اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ وﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ، وﺧﻤﺴﺔ

وﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى ، وﻋﺸﺮة أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ آﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ

ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻣﻦ أرﺑﻊ ﻋﺸﺮة ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ، وﻳﺰاد ﻋﺪد اﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء

آﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ واﻟﺸﻮرى وﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت

ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺎدل ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﺮأ ﻣﻦ زﻳﺎدة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪد أﻋﻀﺎء أي ﻣﻦ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ، وﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ

اﻷﺣﻮال ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻷآﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺷﺢ . وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ

آﻠﻪ.

وﻟﻸﺣﺰاب اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻀﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ أﻋﻮام ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ

إﻋﻼن ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ واﺳﺘﻤﺮت ﻃﻮال هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺼﻮل

أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ5 ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ

آﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى أن ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أﺣﺪ أﻋﻀﺎء هﻴﺌﺘﻬﺎ

اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ، ﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻀﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ

ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ.

واﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﻘﺮة اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻜﻞ ﺣﺰب ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ أن ﻳﺮﺷﺢ ﻓﻲ أول اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت

رﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺠﺮي ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺄﺣﻜﺎم هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺎدة أﺣﺪ أﻋﻀﺎء هﻴﺌﺘﻪ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ اﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﺷﺮ

ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ2005وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻪ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ.

وﺗﻘﺪم ﻃﻠﺒﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ إﻟﻰ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺗﺴﻤﻰ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل

وﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ رﺋﻴﺴﺎً وﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ آﻞ ﻣﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ

اﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎف اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة وأﻗﺪم ﻧﻮاب رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ وأﻗﺪم ﻧﻮاب رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ

اﻟﻨﻘﺾ وأﻗﺪم ﻧﻮاب رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺸﻬﻮد ﻟﻬﺎ

ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎد ﻳﺨﺘﺎر ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﻳﺨﺘﺎر اﻻﺛﻨﻴﻦ اﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى، وذﻟﻚ

ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻗﺘﺮاح ﻣﻜﺘﺐ آﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ وذﻟﻚ ﻟﻤﺪة ﺧﻤﺲ ﺳﻨﻮات، وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻦ

ﻳﺤﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ أو أي ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ وﺟﻮد ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ.

وﺗﺨﺘﺺ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ دون ﻏﻴﺮهﺎ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ:

1- إﻋﻼن ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ واﻹﺷﺮاف ﻋﻠﻲ إﺟﺮاءاﺗﻪ وإﻋﻼن اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺷﺤﻴﻦ.

2- اﻹﺷﺮاف اﻟﻌﺎم ﻋﻠﻲ إﺟﺮاءات اﻻﻗﺘﺮاع واﻟﻔﺮز .

3- إﻋﻼن ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب.

4- اﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ آﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺘﻈﻠﻤﺎت واﻟﻄﻌﻮن وﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ

ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻨﺎزع اﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎص. 5- وﺿﻊ ﻻﺋﺤﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ أﺳﻠﻮب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ وآﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﺎ.

وﺗﺼﺪر ﻗﺮاراﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ اﻷﻗﻞ وﺗﻜﻮن ﻗﺮاراﺗﻬﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﻧﺎﻓﺬة ﺑﺬاﺗﻬﺎ

ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻌﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺄي ﻃﺮﻳﻖ وأﻣﺎم أﻳﺔ ﺟﻬﺔ ، آﻤﺎ ﻻﻳﺠﻮز اﻟﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻘﺮاراﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄوﻳﻞ أو

ﺑﻮﻗﻒ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ، وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻢ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ.

آﻤﺎ ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺨﻠﻮ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ أﺣﺪ اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺤﻴﻦ ﻷى ﺳﺒﺐ

ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﻨﺎزل ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪء اﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ وﻗﺒﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء اﻻﻗﺘﺮاع.

وﻳﺠﺮى اﻻﻗﺘﺮاع ﻓﻲ ﻳﻮم واﺣﺪ وﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﺠﺎن اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ

اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﻔﺮز ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻹﺷﺮاف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﺠﺎن ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ

أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ، وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻋﺪ واﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺪدهﺎ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ.

وﻳﻌﻠﻦ اﻧﺘﺨﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﺤﺼﻮل اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻟﻌﺪد اﻷﺻﻮات

اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ، ﻓﺈذا ﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ أي ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ هﺬﻩ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻴﺪ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ

أﻳﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺤﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺣﺼﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ أآﺒﺮ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻷﺻﻮات، ﻓﺈذا ﺗﺴﺎوى ﻣﻊ

ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪد اﻷﺻﻮات اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ اﺷﺘﺮك ﻓﻲ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻹﻋﺎدة.. وﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ

ﻳﻌﻠﻦ ﻓﻮز ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ أآﺒﺮ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻷﺻﻮات اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ.

وﻳﺘﻢ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاع ﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ وﻟﻮ ﺗﻘﺪم ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺷﺢ واﺣﺪ أو ﻟﻢ ﻳﺒﻖ

ﺳﻮاﻩ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﻨﺎزل ﺑﺎﻗﻲ اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺤﻴﻦ أو ﻟﻌﺪم ﺗﺮﺷﻴﺢ أﺣﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻪ.. وﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ

اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﻌﻠﻦ ﻓﻮز اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺢ اﻟﺤﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻟﻌﺪد ﻣﻦ أدﻟﻮا ﺑﺄﺻﻮاﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ

، وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪم ﺣﺼﻮل اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ هﺬﻩ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ, وﻳﻌﺮض رﺋﻴﺲ

اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻢ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ

ﺑﻌﺪ إﻗﺮارﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﻗﺒﻞ إﺻﺪارﻩ ﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺪى ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

وﺗﺼﺪر اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻗﺮارهﺎ ﻓﻲ هﺬا اﻟﺸﺄن ﺧﻼل ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻳﻮﻣﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﻋﺮض اﻷﻣﺮ

ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ، ﻓﺈذا ﻗﺮرت اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻋﺪم دﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ ﻧﺺ أو أآﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻮص اﻟﻤﺸﺮوع ردﻩ رﺋﻴﺲ

اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻹﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ هﺬا اﻟﻘﺮار ، وﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻻﺣﻮال ﻳﻜﻮن ﻗﺮار

اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺎً ﻟﻠﻜﺎﻓﺔ وﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺳﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﻳﻨﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺮﻳﺪة اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﻼل ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﻳﺎم

ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺻﺪورﻩ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (77)

ﻣﺪة اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻣﻴﻼدﻳﺔ ﺗﺒﺪأ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ إﻋﻼن ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء، وﻳﺠﻮز إﻋﺎدة

اﻧﺘﺨﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻟﻤﺪد أﺧﺮى.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (78)

ﺗﺒﺪأ اﻹﺟﺮاءات ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎر رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﺪة رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻦ

ﻳﻮﻣﺎ، وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺘﻢ اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء اﻟﻤﺪة ﺑﺄﺳﺒﻮع ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ، ﻓﺈذا اﻧﺘﻬﺖ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺪة

دون أن ﻳﺘﻢ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻷي ﺳﺒﺐ آﺎن، اﺳﺘﻤﺮ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة

ﻣﻬﺎم اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺘﻢ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر ﺧﻠﻔﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (79)

ﻳﺆدى اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ أﻣﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ أن ﻳﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻣﻬﺎم ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ اﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ اﻵﺗﻴﺔ:

"أﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﷲ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ أن أﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮري، وأن أﺣﺘﺮم اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن،وأن أرﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ رﻋﺎﻳﺔ آﺎﻣﻠﺔ، وأن أﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﺘﻘﻼل اﻟﻮﻃﻦ وﺳﻼﻣﺔ أراﺿﻴﻪ."

اﻟﻤﺎدة (80)

ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺮﺗﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

وﻻ ﻳﺴﺮى ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﻤﺮﺗﺐ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﺪة اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺮر ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ. وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ

اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ أي ﻣﺮﺗﺐ أو ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺄة أﺧﺮى.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (81)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﺪة رﺋﺎﺳﺘﻪ أن ﻳﺰاول ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﺣﺮة أو ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﺠﺎرﻳﺎ أو ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎ أو

ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻴﺎ، أو أن ﻳﺸﺘﺮى أو ﻳﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻣﻮال اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، أو أن ﻳﺆﺟﺮهﺎ أو ﻳﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ

أﻣﻮاﻟﻪ، أو أن ﻳﻘﺎﻳﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (82)

إذا ﻗﺎم ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ ﻳﺤﻮل دون ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ أﻧﺎب ﻋﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ

اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (83)

إذا ﻗﺪم رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ وﺟﻪ آﺘﺎب اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (84)

ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﻠﻮ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أو ﻋﺠﺰﻩ اﻟﺪاﺋﻢ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺎ

رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وإذا آﺎن اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺤﻼ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ

اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ، وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺸﺮط أﻻ ﻳﺮﺷﺢ أﻳﻬﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ.

وﻳﻌﻠﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺧﻠﻮ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

وﻳﺘﻢ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺪة ﻻ ﺗﺠﺎوز ﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺧﻠﻮ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (85)

ﻳﻜﻮن اﺗﻬﺎم رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻴﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ أو ﺑﺎرﺗﻜﺎب ﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔ ﺟﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻗﺘﺮاح

ﻣﻘﺪم ﻣﻦ ﺛﻠﺚ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ، وﻻ ﻳﺼﺪر ﻗﺮار اﻻﺗﻬﺎم إﻻ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ

أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

وﻳﻘﻒ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻤﺠﺮد ﺻﺪور ﻗﺮار اﻻﺗﻬﺎم، وﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ

اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺎ ﻟﺤﻴﻦ اﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺗﻬﺎم. وﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺤﺎآﻤﺔ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ

ﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ وإﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻤﺤﺎآﻤﺔ أﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎ وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻌﻘﺎب، وإذا ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺈداﻧﺘﻪ أﻋﻔﻰ

ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺪم اﻹﺧﻼل ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى.

ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ: 1 ﻣﻌﺪﻟﺔ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻲ إﺟﻤﺎع آﻠﻤﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﻓﻲ

اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء اﻟﺬي أﺟﺮي ﻳﻮم 22 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ 1980

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 86 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 136

اﻟﻤﺎدة (86)

ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ، وﻳﻘﺮ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ، واﻟﺨﻄﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ

اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ، واﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ، آﻤﺎ ﻳﻤﺎرس اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔاﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ، وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (87)

ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪواﺋﺮ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻢ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، وﻋﺪد أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ

اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ، ﻋﻠﻰ أﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﻤﺎﺋﺔ وﺧﻤﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮا، ﻧﺼﻔﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل

واﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﻦ، وﻳﻜﻮن اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب اﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮ اﻟﺴﺮي اﻟﻌﺎم.

وﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ واﻟﻔﻼح.

وﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﺪدا ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻻ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺸﺮة.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (88)

ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺸﺮوط اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ ﺗﻮاﻓﺮهﺎ ﻓﻲ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﻳﺒﻴﻦ أﺣﻜﺎم اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب

واﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء، ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﺘﻢ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاع ﺗﺤﺖ إﺷﺮاف أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ هﻴﺌﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (89)

ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ وﻓﻰ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﺎم أن ﻳﺮﺷﺤﻮا أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

وﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺪا اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺤﺪدهﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻳﺘﻔﺮغ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ،

وﻳﺤﺘﻔﻆ ﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺘﻪ أو ﻋﻤﻠﻪ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (90)

ﻳﻘﺴﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ أﻣﺎم اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺒﻞ أن ﻳﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ اﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ اﻵﺗﻴﺔ:

"أﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﷲ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ أن أﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ واﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮري، وأن أرﻋﻰ

ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وأن أﺣﺘﺮم اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن."

اﻟﻤﺎدة (91)

ﻳﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺄة ﻳﺤﺪدهﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (92)

ﻣﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺧﻤﺲ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻣﻴﻼدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ أول اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻟﻪ. وﻳﺠﺮى اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ

اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﺪﺗﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (93)

ﻳﺨﺘﺺ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ. وﺗﺨﺘﺺ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺾ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻲ

ﺻﺤﺔ اﻟﻄﻌﻮن اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ إﺣﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ رﺋﻴﺴﻪ. وﻳﺠﺐ إﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻄﻌﻦ إﻟﻰ

ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺾ ﺧﻼل ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ، وﻳﺠﺐ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﻦ

اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺧﻼل ﺗﺴﻌﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ إﺣﺎﻟﺘﻪ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺾ.

وﺗﻌﺮض ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ واﻟﺮأي اﻟﺬي اﻧﺘﻬﺖ إﻟﻴﻪ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﻠﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺻﺤﺔ

اﻟﻄﻌﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﻋﺮض ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

وﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﺔ إﻻ ﺑﻘﺮار ﻳﺼﺪر ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (94)

إذا ﺧﻼ ﻣﻜﺎن أﺣﺪ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻗﺒﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﺪﺗﻪ اﻧﺘﺨﺐ أو ﻋﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻒ ﻟﻪ ﺧﻼل ﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ

إﺑﻼغ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺨﻠﻮ اﻟﻤﻜﺎن.

وﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺪة اﻟﻌﻀﻮ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ هﻲ اﻟﻤﺪة اﻟﻤﻜﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻤﺪة ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﺳﻠﻔﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (95) ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻌﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﺪة ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻪ أن ﻳﺸﺘﺮى أو ﻳﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻣﻮال اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ،

أو أن ﻳﺆﺟﺮهﺎ أو ﻳﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻣﻮاﻟﻪ أو أن ﻳﻘﺎﻳﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ، أو أن ﻳﺒﺮم ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻘﺪا ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ

ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻣﺎ أو ﻣﻮردا أو ﻣﻘﺎوﻻ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (96)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز إﺳﻘﺎط ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ أﺣﺪ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ إﻻ إذا ﻓﻘﺪ اﻟﺜﻘﺔ واﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر، أو ﻓﻘﺪ أﺣﺪ ﺷﺮوط

اﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ أو ﺻﻔﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ أو اﻟﻔﻼح اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﺘﺨﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ أو أﺧﻞ ﺑﻮاﺟﺒﺎت ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻪ. وﻳﺠﺐ

أن ﻳﺼﺪر ﻗﺮار إﺳﻘﺎط اﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (97)

ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ هﻮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻘﺒﻞ اﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺔ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (98)

ﻻ ﻳﺆاﺧﺬ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪوﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر واﻵراء ﻓﻲ أداء أﻋﻤﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ

أو ﻓﻲ ﻟﺠﺎﻧﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (99)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻠﺒﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺮﻳﻤﺔ اﺗﺨﺎذ أﻳﺔ إﺟﺮاءات ﺟﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ إﻻ

ﺑﺈذن ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

وﻓﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ دور اﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ أﺧﺬ إذن رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

وﻳﺨﻄﺮ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻨﺪ أول اﻧﻌﻘﺎد ﻟﻪ ﺑﻤﺎ اﺗﺨﺬ ﻣﻦ إﺟﺮاء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (100)

ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة ﻣﻘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﻳﺠﻮز ﻓﻲ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ أن ﻳﻌﻘﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻪ ﻓﻲ

ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ أﺧﺮى ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أو أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

واﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻜﺎن اﻟﻤﻌﺪ ﻟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮوع واﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﺪر ﻓﻴﻪ

ﺑﺎﻃﻠﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (101)

ﻳﺪﻋﻮ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻟﻼﻧﻌﻘﺎد ﻟﻠﺪور اﻟﺴﻨﻮي اﻟﻌﺎدي ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﻮم اﻟﺨﻤﻴﺲ

اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ، ﻓﺈذا ﻟﻢ ﻳﺪع ﻳﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﻓﻲ اﻟﻴﻮم اﻟﻤﺬآﻮر، وﻳﺪوم دور

اﻻﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﻌﺎدي ﺳﺒﻌﺔ أﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ.

وﻳﻔﺾ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ دورﺗﻪ اﻟﻌﺎدﻳﺔ. وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (102)

ﻳﺪﻋﻮ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺎدى، وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻀﺮورة، أو ﺑﻨﺎء

ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

وﻳﻌﻠﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻓﺾ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﺎدي.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (103)

ﻳﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ رﺋﻴﺴﺎ ﻟﻪ ووآﻴﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ أول اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻟﺪور اﻻﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﺴﻨﻮي اﻟﻌﺎدي ﻟﻤﺪة

هﺬا اﻟﺪور، وإذا ﺧﻼ ﻣﻜﺎن أﺣﺪهﻢ اﻧﺘﺨﺐ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﻞ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ إﻟﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺪﺗﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (104)

ﻳﻀﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻻﺋﺤﺘﻪ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ أﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ وآﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ وﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ. اﻟﻤﺎدة (105)

ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﺣﺪﻩ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم داﺧﻠﻪ، وﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (106)

ﺟﻠﺴﺎت ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻨﻴﺔ.

وﻳﺠﻮز اﻧﻌﻘﺎدﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أو اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ أو ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ

ﻃﻠﺐ رﺋﻴﺴﻪ أو ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ. ﺛﻢ ﻳﻘﺮر اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎ إذا آﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻓﻲ

اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﻤﻄﺮوح أﻣﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺮى ﻓﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻨﻴﺔ أو ﺳﺮﻳﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (107)

ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن اﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺎ إﻻ ﺑﺤﻀﻮر أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ. وﻳﺘﺨﺬ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮاراﺗﻪ ﺑﺎﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ

اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ، وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺘﺮط ﻓﻴﻬﺎ أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ. وﻳﺠﺮى اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ

ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎت اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎدة. وﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﺴﺎوى اﻵراء ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺬي ﺟﺮت اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻓﻲ

ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﻮﺿﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (108)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻀﺮورة وﻓﻰ اﻷﺣﻮال اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ

اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ أن ﻳﺼﺪر ﻗﺮارات ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻟﻤﺪة

ﻣﺤﺪودة وأن ﺗﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت هﺬﻩ اﻟﻘﺮارات واﻷﺳﺲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ، وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺮض هﺬﻩ

اﻟﻘﺮارات ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ أول ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﺪة اﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ، ﻓﺈذا ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺮض أو

ﻋﺮﺿﺖ وﻟﻢ ﻳﻮاﻓﻖ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ زال ﻣﺎ آﺎن ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن .

اﻟﻤﺎدة (109)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ وﻟﻜﻞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺣﻖ اﻗﺘﺮاح اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (110)

ﻳﺤﺎل آﻞ ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻗﺎﻧﻮن إﻟﻰ إﺣﺪى ﻟﺠﺎن اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﻔﺤﺼﻪ وﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻪ، ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻪ

ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎت اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺤﺎل إﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ

اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ إﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺤﺼﻬﺎ أﻣﺎم ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻹﺑﺪاء اﻟﺮأي ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮاز ﻧﻈﺮ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ، وﺑﻌﺪ أن ﻳﻘﺮر

اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ذﻟﻚ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (111)

آﻞ ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻗﺘﺮﺣﻪ أﺣﺪ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ورﻓﻀﻪ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ دور

اﻻﻧﻌﻘﺎد.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (112)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺣﻖ إﺻﺪار اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ أو اﻻﻋﺘﺮاض ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (113)

إذا اﻋﺘﺮض رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻗﺎﻧﻮن أﻗﺮﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ردﻩ إﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻼل ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ

ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ إﺑﻼغ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ إﻳﺎﻩ، ﻓﺈذا ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮد ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻓﻲ هﺬا اﻟﻤﻴﻌﺎد اﻋﺘﺒﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ

وأﺻﺪر. وإذا رد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻴﻌﺎد اﻟﻤﺘﻘﺪم إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ وأﻗﺮﻩ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ اﻋﺘﺒﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ

وأﺻﺪر.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (114)

ﻳﻘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺨﻄﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ إﻋﺪاداﻟﺨﻄﺔ وﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ .

اﻟﻤﺎدة (115)

ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺮض ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪء

اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ، وﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻓﺬة إﻻ ﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ.

وﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ وﺗﺼﺪر ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ أن ﻳﻌﺪل

ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ إﻻ ﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ، وإذا ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ

ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺣﻴﻦ اﻋﺘﻤﺎدهﺎ.

وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ إﻋﺪاد اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ، آﻤﺎ ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (116)

ﺗﺠﺐ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ أي ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎب إﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ أﺑﻮاب اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ،

وآﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ آﻞ ﻣﺼﺮوف ﻏﻴﺮ وارد ﺑﻬﺎ. أو زاﺋﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮاﺗﻬﺎ، وﺗﺼﺪر ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (117)

ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن أﺣﻜﺎم ﻣﻮازﻧﺎت اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت واﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﺣﺴﺎﺑﺎﺗﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (118)

ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺮض اﻟﺤﺴﺎب اﻟﺨﺘﺎﻣﻲ ﻟﻤﻴﺰاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪة ﻻ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ

ﺳﻨﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ. وﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ. وﻳﺼﺪر ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

آﻤﺎ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺮض اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﻨﻮي ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺎز اﻟﻤﺮآﺰي ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎت وﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ

اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

وﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺲ أن ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻬﺎز اﻟﻤﺮآﺰي ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎت أﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت أو ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ أﺧﺮى.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (119)

إﻧﺸﺎء اﻟﻀﺮاﺋﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ أو إﻟﻐﺎؤهﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن إﻻ ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن وﻻ ﻳﻌﻔﻰ أﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ أداﺋﻬﺎ إﻻ ﻓﻲ

اﻷﺣﻮال اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ أﺣﺪ أداء ﻏﻴﺮ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﺮاﺋﺐ أو اﻟﺮﺳﻮم إﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪود اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (120)

ﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻣﻮال اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وإﺟﺮاءات ﺻﺮﻓﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (121)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮوض أو اﻻرﺗﺒﺎط ﺑﻤﺸﺮوع ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ إﻧﻔﺎق ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺰاﻧﺔ

اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺮة ﻣﻘﺒﻠﺔ إﻻ ﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (122)

ﻳﻌﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻣﻨﺢ اﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﺎت واﻟﻤﻌﺎﺷﺎت واﻟﺘﻌﻮﻳﻀﺎت واﻹﻋﺎﻧﺎت واﻟﻤﻜﺎﻓﺂت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻘﺮر

ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺰاﻧﻴﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ. وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﺎﻻت اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻣﻨﻬﺎ واﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (123)

ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ واﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻤﻨﺢ اﻻﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻣﻮارد اﻟﺜﺮوة

اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﺮاﻓﻖ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، آﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﻴﻦ أﺣﻮال اﻟﺘﺼﺮف ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺠﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات اﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮآﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ

واﻟﻨﺰول ﻋﻦ أﻣﻮاﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﻨﻘﻮﻟﺔ واﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ واﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (124) ﻟﻜﻞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ أن ﻳﻮﺟﻪ إﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء أو اﺣﺪ ﻧﻮاﺑﻪ أو أﺣﺪ

اﻟﻮزراء أو ﻧﻮاﺑﻬﻢ أﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ أي ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﻢ.

وﻋﻠﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء أو ﻧﻮاﺑﻪ أو اﻟﻮزراء أو ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﻴﺒﻮﻧﻪ اﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ أﺳﺌﻠﺔ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء.

وﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻠﻌﻀﻮ ﺳﺤﺐ اﻟﺴﺆال ﻓﻲ أي وﻗﺖ وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﺠﻠﺴﺔ إﻟﻰ اﺳﺘﺠﻮاب.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (125)

ﻟﻜﻞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﺳﺘﺠﻮاﺑﺎت إﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء أو ﻧﻮاﺑﻪ

أو اﻟﻮزراء أو ﻧﻮاﺑﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﺘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺌﻮن اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﻢ.

وﺗﺠﺮى اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺠﻮاب ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ أﻳﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻤﻪ، إﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت

اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺠﺎل اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺮاهﺎ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ وﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (126)

اﻟﻮزراء ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻮن أﻣﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ، وآﻞ وزﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮل ﻋﻦ

أﻋﻤﺎل وزارﺗﻪ.

وﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ أن ﻳﻘﺮر ﺳﺤﺐ اﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺣﺪ ﻧﻮاب رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء أو أﺣﺪ اﻟﻮزراء أو

ﻧﻮاﺑﻬﻢ، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻋﺮض ﻃﻠﺐ ﺳﺤﺐ اﻟﺜﻘﺔ إﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ اﺳﺘﺠﻮاب، وﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻗﺘﺮاح ﻋﺸﺮ أﻋﻀﺎء

اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺲ أن ﻳﺼﺪر ﻗﺮارﻩ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﻳﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻤﻪ. وﻳﻜﻮن

ﺳﺤﺐ اﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (127)

ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ أن ﻳﻘﺮر ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻋﺸﺮ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء، وﻳﺼﺪر

اﻟﻘﺮار ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز أن ﻳﺼﺪر هﺬا اﻟﻘﺮار إﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ اﺳﺘﺠﻮاب ﻣﻮﺟﻪ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ وﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﻳﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ

ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻄﻠﺐ.

وﻓﻰ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻳﻌﺪ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮا ﻳﺮﻓﻌﻪ إﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ

اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع وﻣﺎ اﻧﺘﻬﻰ إﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ رأى ﻓﻲ هﺬا اﻟﺸﺄن وأﺳﺒﺎﺑﻪ.

وﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﺮد اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻼل ﻋﺸﺮة أﻳﺎم، ﻓﺈذا ﻋﺎد اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ إﻟﻰ

إﻗﺮارﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﻌﺮض ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﻨﺰاع ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ.

وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺠﺮى اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺧﻼل ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻹﻗﺮار اﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺲ، وﺗﻘﻒ ﺟﻠﺴﺎت

اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ.

ﻓﺈذا ﺟﺎءت ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻣﺆﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻋﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺤﻼ. وإﻻ ﻗﺒﻞ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ

اﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮزارة.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (128)

إذا ﻗﺮر اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺤﺐ اﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺣﺪ ﻧﻮاب رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء أو اﻟﻮزراء أو ﻧﻮاﺑﻬﻢ وﺟﺐ

ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻋﺘﺰال ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ.

وﻳﻘﺪم رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء اﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺘﻪ إﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ إذا ﺗﻘﺮرت ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻪ أﻣﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲ

اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (129)

ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻃﺮح ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻋﺎم ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ

ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎح ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻮزارة ﺑﺸﺄﻧﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (130) ﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ إﺑﺪاء رﻏﺒﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ﻋﺎﻣﺔ إﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء أو أﺣﺪ

ﻧﻮاﺑﻪ أو أﺣﺪ اﻟﻮزراء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (131)

ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ أو ﻳﻜﻠﻒ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺠﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻔﺤﺺ ﻧﺸﺎط إﺣﺪى اﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ

اﻹدارﻳﺔ أو اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، أو أي ﺟﻬﺎز ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬي أو أدارى، أو أي ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺸﺮوﻋﺎت

اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻘﺼﻰ اﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ، وإﺑﻼغ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻷوﺿﺎع اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ أو اﻹدارﻳﺔ أو

اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ، أو إﺟﺮاء ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎت ﻓﻲ أي ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ.

وﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﻤﻬﻤﺘﻬﺎ أن ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮاﻩ ﻣﻦ أدﻟﺔ، وأن ﺗﻄﻠﺐ ﺳﻤﺎع ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮى ﺳﻤﺎع

أﻗﻮاﻟﻪ، وﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ واﻹدارﻳﺔ أن ﺗﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ إﻟﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﻬﺎ، وأن ﺗﻀﻊ ﺗﺤﺖ

ﺗﺼﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻐﺮض ﻣﺎ ﺗﻄﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ وﺛﺎﺋﻖ أو ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪات أو ﻏﻴﺮ ذﻟﻚ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (132)

ﻳﻠﻘﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻓﺘﺘﺎح دور اﻻﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﻌﺎدي ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ

اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ، وﻟﻪ اﻟﺤﻖ ﻓﻲ إﻟﻘﺎء أي ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت أﺧﺮى أﻣﺎم اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

وﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺑﻴﺎن رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (133)

ﻳﻘﺪم رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﻮزارة، وﻋﻨﺪ اﻓﺘﺘﺎح دور اﻻﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﻌﺎدي ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ

اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﻮزارة.

وﻳﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ هﺬا اﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (134)

ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء وﻧﻮاﺑﻪ واﻟﻮزراء وﻧﻮاﺑﻬﻢ أن ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا أﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، آﻤﺎ

ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻐﻴﺮ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺣﻀﻮر ﺟﻠﺴﺎت اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ وﻟﺠﺎﻧﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (135)

ﻳﺴﻤﻊ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﻟﺠﺎﻧﻪ آﻠﻤﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻮا اﻟﻜﻼم، وﻟﻬﻢ أن ﻳﺴﺘﻌﻴﻨﻮا

ﺑﻤﻦ ﻳﺮون ﻣﻦ آﺒﺎر اﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ. وﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﻮزﻳﺮ ﺻﻮت ﻣﻌﺪود ﻋﻨﺪ أﺧﺬ اﻟﺮأي، إﻻ إذا آﺎن ﻣﻦ

اﻷﻋﻀﺎء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (136)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ إﻻ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻀﺮورة وﺑﻌﺪ اﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﻳﺼﺪر

رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻗﺮارا ﺑﻮﻗﻒ ﺟﻠﺴﺎت اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ وإﺟﺮاء اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺧﻼل ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ، ﻓﺈذا أﻗﺮت

اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻟﻌﺪد ﻣﻦ أﻋﻄﻮا أﺻﻮاﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﺤﻞ، أﺻﺪر رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻗﺮارا ﺑﻪ.

وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺸﺘﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺮار ﻋﻠﻰ دﻋﻮة اﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﻴﻦ ﻹﺟﺮاء اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ

ﻣﻴﻌﺎد ﻻ ﻳﺠﺎوز ﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ إﻋﻼن ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء.

وﻳﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻼل اﻷﻳﺎم اﻟﻌﺸﺮة اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻹﺗﻤﺎم اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 137 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 164

اﻟﻔﺮع اﻷول

رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (137)

ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ، وﻳﻤﺎرﺳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر. اﻟﻤﺎدة (138)

ﻳﻀﻊ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﺘﺮاك ﻣﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ، وﻳﺸﺮﻓﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ

ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬهﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (139)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺎ ﻟﻪ أو أآﺜﺮ، وﻳﺤﺪد اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﻢ، وﻳﻌﻔﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﻬﻢ.

وﺗﺴﺮى اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻠﺔ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮاب رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (140)

ﻳﺆدى ﻧﺎﺋﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ، أﻣﺎم رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ، ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة ﻣﻬﺎم ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ اﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ اﻵﺗﻴﺔ:

"اﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﷲ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ أن أﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮري، وأن أﺣﺘﺮم اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وأن

أرﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ رﻋﺎﻳﺔ آﺎﻣﻠﺔ، وأن أﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﺘﻘﻼل اﻟﻮﻃﻦ وﺳﻼﻣﺔ أراﺿﻴﻪ."

اﻟﻤﺎدة (141)

ﻳﻌﻴﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء وﻧﻮاﺑﻪ واﻟﻮزراء وﻧﻮاﺑﻬﻢ، وﻳﻌﻔﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﻬﻢ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (142)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺣﻖ دﻋﻮة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﻟﻼﻧﻌﻘﺎد وﺣﻀﻮر ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻪ، وﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻪ رﺋﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺠﻠﺴﺎت

اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺤﻀﺮهﺎ، آﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮزراء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (143)

ﻳﻌﻴﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﻴﻦ واﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻴﻦ، وﻳﻌﺰﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

آﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻤﺜﻠﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻴﻦ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (144)

ﻳﺼﺪر رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻠﻮاﺋﺢ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ، ﺑﻤﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ أو ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻟﻬﺎ أو إﻋﻔﺎء

ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬهﺎ، وﻟﻪ أن ﻳﻔﻮض ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﻲ إﺻﺪارهﺎ. وﻳﺠﻮز أن ﻳﻌﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻳﺼﺪر اﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ

ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻩ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (145)

ﻳﺼﺪر رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻟﻮاﺋﺢ اﻟﻀﺒﻂ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (146)

ﻳﺼﺪر رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻹﻧﺸﺎء وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻤﺮاﻓﻖ واﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (147)

إذا ﺣﺪث ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﺟﺐ اﻹﺳﺮاع ﻓﻲ اﺗﺨﺎذ ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﻻ ﺗﺤﺘﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎز

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﺼﺪر ﻓﻲ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮارات ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺮض هﺬﻩ اﻟﻘﺮارات ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺧﻼل ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺻﺪورهﺎ إذا

آﺎن اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺎ، وﺗﻌﺮض ﻓﻲ أول اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺤﻞ أو وﻗﻒ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻪ، ﻓﺈذا ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺮض

زال ﺑﺄﺛﺮ رﺟﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ آﺎن ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن دون ﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ إﺻﺪار ﻗﺮار ﺑﺬﻟﻚ، وإذا ﻋﺮﺿﺖ وﻟﻢ ﻳﻘﺮهﺎ

اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ زال ﺑﺄﺛﺮ رﺟﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ آﺎن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، إﻻ إذا رأى اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻧﻔﺎذهﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة

اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ أو ﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺛﺎرهﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ. اﻟﻤﺎدة (148)

ﻳﻌﻠﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻄﻮارئ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺮض هﺬا اﻹﻋﻼن

ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﻘﺮر ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮاﻩ ﺑﺸﺄﻧﻪ.

وإذا آﺎن ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﻨﺤﻼ ﻳﻌﺮض اﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻲ أول اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻟﻪ.

وﻓﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺣﻮال ﻳﻜﻮن إﻋﻼن ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻄﻮارئ ﻟﻤﺪة ﻣﺤﺪدة، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻣﺪهﺎ إﻻ ﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ

اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (149)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ أو ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻔﻬﺎ، أﻣﺎ اﻟﻌﻔﻮ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻜﻮن إﻻ ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (150)

رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ هﻮ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ اﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﻘﻮات اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ، وهﻮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﻠﻦ اﻟﺤﺮب ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ

اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (151)

رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻳﺒﺮم اﻟﻤﻌﺎهﺪات، وﻳﺒﻠﻐﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻣﺸﻔﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺎن.

وﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺑﻌﺪ إﺑﺮاﻣﻬﺎ واﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ وﻧﺸﺮهﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻸوﺿﺎع اﻟﻤﻘﺮرة.

ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻣﻌﺎهﺪات اﻟﺼﻠﺢ واﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ واﻟﺘﺠﺎرة واﻟﻤﻼﺣﺔ وﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻤﻌﺎهﺪات اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ

ﻓﻲ أراﺿﻰ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، أو اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﺴﻴﺎدة، أو اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺰاﻧﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻔﻘﺎت

ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ، ﺗﺠﺐ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (152)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ أن ﻳﺴﺘﻔﺘﻰ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ.

اﻟﻔﺮع اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻰ

اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (153)

اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ هﻲ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ واﻹدارﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ. وﺗﺘﻜﻮن اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء

وﻧﻮاﺑﻪ واﻟﻮزراء وﻧﻮاﺑﻬﻢ.

وﻳﺸﺮف رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﻋﻠﻰ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (154)

ﻳﺸﺘﺮط ﻓﻴﻤﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﻦ وزﻳﺮا أو ﻧﺎﺋﺐ وزﻳﺮ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎ، ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺧﻤﺴﺎ وﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﻴﻼدﻳﺔ

ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ، وأن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻤﺘﻌﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (155)

ﻳﺆدى أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻮزارة، أﻣﺎم رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ، ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة ﻣﻬﺎم وﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ اﻵﺗﻴﺔ:

"أﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﷲ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ أن أﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮري، وأن أﺣﺘﺮم اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وأن

أرﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ رﻋﺎﻳﺔ آﺎﻣﻠﺔ، وأن أﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﺘﻘﻼل اﻟﻮﻃﻦ وﺳﻼﻣﺔ أراﺿﻴﻪ."

اﻟﻤﺎدة (156)

ﻳﻤﺎرس ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎص اﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎت اﻵﺗﻴﺔ"

أ) اﻻﺷﺘﺮاك ﻣﻊ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ، واﻹﺷﺮاف ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬهﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ

ﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ واﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ. ب) ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ وﺗﻨﺴﻴﻖ وﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﻮزارات واﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ واﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت واﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ.

ج) إﺻﺪار اﻟﻘﺮارات اﻹدارﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ واﻟﻘﺮارات وﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬهﺎ.

د) إﻋﺪاد ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎت اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ واﻟﻘﺮارات.

هـ) إﻋﺪاد ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﻤﻮازﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ.

و) إﻋﺪاد ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﺨﻄﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ.

ز) ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﻘﺮوض وﻣﻨﺤﻬﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

ح) ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ وﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (157)

اﻟﻮزﻳﺮ هﻮ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻻدارى اﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻮزارﺗﻪ، وﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ رﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻮزارة ﻓﻰ ﺣﺪود اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ

اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ، وﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬهﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (158)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻠﻮزﻳﺮ أﺛﻨﺎء ﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ أن ﻳﺰاول ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﺣﺮة أو ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﺠﺎرﻳﺎ أو ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎ أو ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻴﺎ، أو أن ﻳﺸﺘﺮى

أو ﻳﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻣﻮال اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، أو أن ﻳﺆﺟﺮهﺎ أو ﻳﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻣﻮاﻟﻪ أو أن ﻳﻘﺎﻳﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (159)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ وﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺣﻖ إﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮزﻳﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺤﺎآﻤﺔ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮاﺋﻢ أﺛﻨﺎء

ﺗﺄدﻳﺔ أﻋﻤﺎل وﻇﻴﻔﺘﻪ أو ﺑﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ.

وﻳﻜﻮن ﻗﺮار ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﺗﻬﺎم اﻟﻮزﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻗﺘﺮاح ﻳﻘﺪم ﻣﻦ ﺧﻤﺲ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ، وﻻ

ﻳﺼﺪر ﻗﺮار اﻻﺗﻬﺎم أﻻ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (160)

ﻳﻘﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮزراء ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ إﻟﻰ أن ﻳﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ أﻣﺮﻩ، وﻻ ﻳﺤﻮل اﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻪ دون إﻗﺎﻣﺔ

اﻟﺪﻋﻮى ﻋﻠﻴﻪ أو اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻓﻴﻬﺎ. وﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺤﺎآﻤﺔ اﻟﻮزﻳﺮ وإﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻤﺤﺎآﻤﺔ وﺿﻤﺎﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ واﻟﻌﻘﺎب ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﺗﺴﺮى هﺬﻩ اﻷﺣﻜﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮاب اﻟﻮزراء.

اﻟﻔﺮع اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ

اﻹدارة اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (161)

ﺗﻘﺴﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ وﺣﺪات إدارﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻳﺔ، ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت

واﻟﻤﺪن واﻟﻘﺮى، وﻳﺠﻮز إﻧﺸﺎء وﺣﺪات إدارﻳﺔ أﺧﺮى ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻳﺔ إذا اﻗﺘﻀﺖ

اﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ذﻟﻚ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (162)

ﺗﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﺣﺪات اﻹدارﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب

اﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮ، ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻧﺼﻒ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل واﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﻦ، وﻳﻜﻔﻞ

اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎ.

وﻳﻜﻮن اﺧﺘﻴﺎر رؤﺳﺎء ووآﻼء اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (163)

ﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ، واﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﺎ وﻣﻮاردهﺎ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ، وﺿﻤﺎﻧﺎت

أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ، وﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ، ودورهﺎ ﻓﻲ إﻋﺪاد وﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺧﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ وﻓﻰ

اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أوﺟﻪ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ. اﻟﻔﺮع اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ

اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ

اﻟﻤﺎدة (164)

ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺎون ﻓﻲ رﺳﻢ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ

ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ، وﺗﻜﻮن هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ. وﻳﺤﺪد ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ آﻞ

ﻣﻨﻬﺎ واﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ ﻗﺮار ﻣﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 165 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 173

اﻟﻤﺎدة (165)

اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ، وﺗﺘﻮﻻهﺎ اﻟﻤﺤﺎآﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺧﺘﻼف أﻧﻮاﻋﻬﺎ ودرﺟﺎﺗﻬﺎ، وﺗﺼﺪر أﺣﻜﺎﻣﻬﺎ

وﻓﻖ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (166)

اﻟﻘﻀﺎة ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻮن، ﻻ ﺳﻠﻄﺎن ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻟﻐﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻷﻳﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ

اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ أو ﻓﻲ ﺷﺌﻮن اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (167)

ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ واﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﺎ وﻳﻨﻈﻢ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ، وﻳﺒﻴﻦ ﺷﺮوط وإﺟﺮاءات

ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ وﻧﻘﻠﻬﻢ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (168)

اﻟﻘﻀﺎة ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻌﺰل. وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺴﺎءﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﺗﺄدﻳﺒﻴﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (169)

ﺟﻠﺴﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﺎآﻢ ﻋﻠﻨﻴﺔ إﻻ إذا ﻗﺮرت اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺮاﻋﺎة ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﺎم أو اﻵداب. وﻓﻰ

ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺣﻮال ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻨﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (170)

ﻳﺴﻬﻢ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ وﻓﻰ اﻟﺤﺪود اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (171)

ﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﺎآﻢ أﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ، وﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﺎ واﻟﺸﺮوط اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ ﺗﻮاﻓﺮهﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﻦ

ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻮن اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻓﻴﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (172)

ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ هﻴﺌﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ، وﻳﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎزﻋﺎت اﻹدارﻳﺔ وﻓﻰ اﻟﺪﻋﺎوى

اﻟﺘﺄدﻳﺒﻴﺔ، وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ اﻷﺧﺮى.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (173)

ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺌﻮن اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺮأﺳﻪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ. وﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ

ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻪ واﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ وﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ. وﻳﺆﺧﺬ رأﻳﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎت اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻢﺷﺌﻮن اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 174 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 178

اﻟﻤﺎدة (174)

اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ هﻴﺌﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﺬاﺗﻬﺎ، ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ،

ﻣﻘﺮهﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (175)

ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ دون ﻏﻴﺮهﺎ اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ دﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ

واﻟﻠﻮاﺋﺢ، وﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﺼﻮص اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ، وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﻳﻌﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ أﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (176)

ﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن آﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ، وﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﺸﺮوط اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ ﺗﻮاﻓﺮهﺎ ﻓﻲ

أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ وﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ وﺣﺼﺎﻧﺎﺗﻬﻢ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (177)

أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻌﺰل، وﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﺔ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (178)

ﺗﻨﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺮﻳﺪة اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ اﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﻋﺎوى

اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ، واﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﺑﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﺼﻮص اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ، وﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻌﺪم دﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ ﻧﺺ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺛﺎر.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺴﺎدس اﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ اﻟﻌﺎم اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ ) اﻟﻤﺎدة 179

اﻟﻤﺎدة (179)

ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ اﻟﻌﺎم اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻ ﻋﻦ اﺗﺨﺎذ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﺸﻌﺐ

وﺳﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ، واﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﻜﺎﺳﺐ اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺰام اﻟﺴﻠﻮك

اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ، وﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ اﻷﺧﺮى، وﻳﻜﻮن ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺎ ﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وذﻟﻚ

آﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﻘﻮات اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ وﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 180 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة

183

اﻟﻤﺎدة (180)

اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﺣﺪهﺎ هﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺸﺊ اﻟﻘﻮات اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ وهﻰ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ، ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﻼدوﺳﻼﻣﺔ أراﺿﻴﻬﺎ وأﻣﻨﻬﺎ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻴﺔ، وﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻷﻳﺔ هﻴﺌﺔ أو

ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ إﻧﺸﺎء ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼت ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ أو ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ.

وﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺷﺮوط اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ واﻟﺘﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻮات اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (181)

ﺗﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (182)

ﻳﻨﺸﺄ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ "ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ" وﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ رﺋﺎﺳﺘﻪ، وﻳﺨﺘﺺ

ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺌﻮن اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﺒﻼد وﺳﻼﻣﺘﻬﺎ، وﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ

اﻷﺧﺮى.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (183)

ﻳﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻘﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي ، وﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪود اﻟﻤﺒﺎدئ اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ( اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ) اﻟﻤﺎدة 184

اﻟﻤﺎدة (184)

اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ هﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ، رﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ اﻷﻋﻠﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

وﺗﺆدى اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ واﺟﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ، وﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ اﻟﻄﻤﺄﻧﻴﻨﺔ واﻷﻣﻦ، وﺗﺴﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ

ﺣﻔﻆ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم واﻷﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎم واﻵداب، وﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ واﻟﻠﻮاﺋﺢ ﻣﻦ واﺟﺒﺎت،

وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺴﺎدس ( أﺣﻜﺎم ﻋﺎﻣﺔ واﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 185 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 193

اﻟﻤﺎدة (185)

ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎهﺮة ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (186)

ﻳﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي واﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻪ، آﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺎر اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ واﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (187)

ﻻ ﺗﺴﺮى أﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ أﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ، وﻻ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أﺛﺮ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ وﻗﻊ

ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ. وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻮاد اﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﺺ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻼف ذﻟﻚ ﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ

أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (188)

ﺗﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺮﻳﺪة اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﻼل أﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮم إﺻﺪارهﺎ، وﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ

ﻣﻦ اﻟﻴﻮم اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺮهﺎ، أﻻ إذا ﺣﺪدت ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻴﻌﺎدا ﺁﺧﺮ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (189)

ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ وﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺎدة أو أآﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاد اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر،

وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺬآﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻃﻠﺐ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﻤﻮاد اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮب ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ واﻷﺳﺒﺎب اﻟﺪاﻋﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ هﺬا اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ.ﻓﺈذا آﺎن اﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺻﺎدرا ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ وﺟﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻠﺚ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ

ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ.

وﻓﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺣﻮال ﻳﻨﺎﻗﺶ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺒﺪأ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ وﻳﺼﺪر ﻗﺮارﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ،

ﻓﺈذا رﻓﺾ اﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز إﻋﺎدة ﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﻤﻮاد ذاﺗﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻀﻰ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ هﺬا اﻟﺮﻓﺾ.

وإذا واﻓﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺪأ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ، ﻳﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ هﺬﻩ اﻟﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ،

اﻟﻤﻮاد اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮب ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ، ﻓﺈذا واﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺛﻠﺜﺎ ﻋﺪد أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮض ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺋﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ.

ﻓﺈذا ووﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻋﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻓﺬا ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ إﻋﻼن ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (190)

ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﺪة رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻘﻀﺎء ﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ إﻋﻼن اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻪ رﺋﻴﺴﺎ

ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (191)

آﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮرﺗﻪ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ واﻟﻠﻮاﺋﺢ ﻣﻦ أﺣﻜﺎم ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺪور هﺬا اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺎ وﻧﺎﻓﺬا، وﻣﻊ

ذﻟﻚ ﻳﺠﻮز إﻟﻐﺎؤهﺎ أو ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻋﺪ واﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻤﻘﺮرة ﻓﻲ هﺬا اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (192)

ﺗﻤﺎرس اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺼﺎدر ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ، وذﻟﻚ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺘﻢ

ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (193)

ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ إﻋﻼن ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء.

اﻟﺒﺎب اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ ( أﺣﻜﺎم ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ) ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة 194 إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎدة 211

اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻷول

ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى

اﻟﻤﺎدة (194)

ﻳﺨﺘﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى ﺑﺪراﺳﺔ واﻗﺘﺮاح ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮاﻩ آﻔﻴﻼ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎدئ ﺛﻮرﺗﻲ 23 ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ

ﺳﻨﺔ 15 ،1952 ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ 1971 ودﻋﻢ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ، واﻟﺴﻼم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ، وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺤﺎﻟﻒ

ﻗﻮى اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻟﻤﻜﺎﺳﺐ اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻴﺔ، واﻟﻤﻘﻮﻣﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﻗﻴﻤﻪ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ

واﻟﺤﻘﻮق واﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎت واﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، وﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻻﺷﺘﺮاآﻲ اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻲ وﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺗﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (195)

ﻳﺆﺧﺬ رأى ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ :

1. اﻻﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺎدة أو أآﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاد اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر.

2. ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎت اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﻜﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮر. 3. ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﺨﻄﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ.

4. ﻣﻌﺎهﺪات اﻟﺼﻠﺢ واﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ وﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻤﻌﺎهﺪات اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ أراﺿﻰ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ أو

اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﺴﻴﺎدة.

5. ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎت اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺤﻴﻠﻬﺎ إﻟﻴﻪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ.

6. ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﻴﻠﻪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ﺗﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ أو

ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺌﻮن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ أو اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ.

وﻳﺒﻠﻎ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ رأﻳﻪ ﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ اﻷﻣﻮر إﻟﻰ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ وﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (196)

ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻳﺤﺪدﻩ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ أﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ (132) ﻋﻀﻮا.

وﻳﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺛﻠﺜﺎ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﻗﺘﺮاع اﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮ اﻟﺴﺮي اﻟﻌﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻧﺼﻔﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ

ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل واﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﻦ.

وﻳﻌﻴﻦ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﺜﻠﺚ اﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (197)

ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪواﺋﺮ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى وﻋﺪد اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﻜﻞ داﺋﺮة، واﻟﺸﺮوط

اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ ﺗﻮاﻓﺮهﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ أو اﻟﻤﻌﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (198)

ﻣﺪة ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى ﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﻮات، وﻳﺘﺠﺪد اﻧﺘﺨﺎب واﺧﺘﻴﺎر ﻧﺼﻒ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ

واﻟﻤﻌﻴﻨﻴﻦ آﻞ ﺛﻼث ﺳﻨﻮات وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﻳﺠﻮز داﺋﻤﺎ إﻋﺎدة اﻧﺘﺨﺎب أو ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﻣﺪة ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (199)

ﻳﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى رﺋﻴﺴﺎ ﻟﻪ ووآﻴﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ أول اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻟﺪور اﻻﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﺴﻨﻮي اﻟﻌﺎدي ﻟﻤﺪة

ﺛﻼث ﺳﻨﻮات، وإذا ﺧﻼ ﻣﻜﺎن أﺣﺪهﻢ اﻧﺘﺨﺐ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﻞ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ إﻟﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺪﺗﻪ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (200)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز اﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى وﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (201)

رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء وﻧﻮاﺑﻪ واﻟﻮزراء وﻏﻴﺮهﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ أﻣﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲاﻟﺸﻮرى.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (202)

ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ إﻟﻘﺎء ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ أو أﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت أﺧﺮى ﻓﻲ اﺟﺘﻤﺎع

ﻣﺸﺘﺮك ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ واﻟﺸﻮرى ﻳﺮأﺳﻪ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ.

وﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ إﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮاﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت أﻣﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (203)

ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء واﻟﻮزراء وﻟﻐﻴﺮهﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ إﻟﻘﺎء ﺑﻴﺎن أﻣﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲ

اﻟﺸﻮرى أو إﺣﺪى ﻟﺠﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع داﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ.

وﻳﺴﻤﻊ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء وﻧﻮاﺑﻪ واﻟﻮزراء وﻏﻴﺮهﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ آﻠﻤﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻮا اﻟﻜﻼم ﻓﻲ

ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى وﻟﺠﺎﻧﻪ، وﻟﻬﻢ أن ﻳﺴﺘﻌﻴﻨﻮا ﺑﻤﻦ ﻳﺮون ﻣﻦ آﺒﺎر اﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ، وﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﻮزﻳﺮ أو

ﻟﻐﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺻﻮت ﻣﻌﺪود ﻋﻨﺪ أﺧﺬ اﻟﺮأي، إﻻ إذا آﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (204)

ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى إﻻ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻀﺮورة، وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻗﺮار ﺣﻞ

اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ دﻋﻮة اﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﻴﻦ ﻹﺟﺮاء اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﻌﺎد ﻻ ﻳﺠﺎوز

ﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺻﺪور ﻗﺮار اﻟﺤﻞ.

وﻳﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻼل اﻷﻳﺎم اﻟﻌﺸﺮة اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻹﺟﺮاء اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (205)

ﺗﺴﺮى ﻓﻲ ﺷﺄن ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى اﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻮاردة ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻮاد:(91) ،(90) ،(89)،

، (105) ، (100) ، (99) ، (98) ، (97) ، (96) ، (95) ، (94) ، (93) ، ، (104) ، (102) ، (101)

(134) ، (130) ، (129) ، (107) ، (106) ، وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﺎرض ﻣﻊ اﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ هﺬا

اﻟﻔﺼﻞ، ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﺒﺎﺷﺮ اﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎت اﻟﻤﻘﺮرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻮاد اﻟﻤﺬآﻮرة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻮرى ورﺋﻴﺴﻪ.

اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ

ﺳﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ

ﻟﻤﺎدة (206)

اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺗﻤﺎرس رﺳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (207)

ﺗﻤﺎرس اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ رﺳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ وﻓﻰ اﺳﺘﻘﻼل ﻓﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻤﺨﺘﻠﻒ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ،

ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮا ﻋﻦ اﺗﺠﺎهﺎت اﻟﺮأي اﻟﻌﺎم وإﺳﻬﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻪ وﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻪ، ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﻟﻤﻘﻮﻣﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ

ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، واﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎت واﻟﺤﻘﻮق واﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ، واﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﺮﻣﺔ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ، وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (208)

ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻜﻔﻮﻟﺔ واﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻣﺤﻈﻮرة وإﻧﺬارهﺎ أو وﻗﻔﻬﺎ أو إﻟﻐﺎءهﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ

اﻻدارى ﻣﺤﻈﻮر وذﻟﻚ آﻠﻪ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (209)

ﺣﺮﻳﺔ إﺻﺪار اﻟﺼﺤﻒ وﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻸﺷﺨﺎص اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ وﻟﻸﺣﺰاب اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﻔﻮﻟﺔ

ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﺗﺨﻀﻊ اﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘﻬﺎ وﺗﻤﻮﻳﻠﻬﺎ واﻷﻣﻮال اﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮآﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ

ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (210)

ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻔﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻧﺒﺎء واﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻸوﺿﺎع اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺤﺪدهﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

وﻻ ﺳﻠﻄﺎن ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻓﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻐﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

اﻟﻤﺎدة (211)

ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺌﻮن اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺤﺪد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻪ واﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ وﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻪ

ﺑﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ.

وﻳﻤﺎرس اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ واﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻬﺎ، وﻳﺤﻘﻖ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻟﻤﻘﻮﻣﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ، وﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﺳﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻼم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ، وذﻟﻚ

ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ اﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن.

ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ: * أﺿﻴﻒ هﺬا اﻟﺒﺎب ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر، اﻟﺬي أﺟﺮي ﻳﻮم 22 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ﺳﻨﺔ 1980